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Confessions Of An Economic Hitman By John Perkins

Confessions of an economic hitman
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"Despite the fact that the money is returned almost immediately to torpor ions that are members of the corporatocracy (the creditor), the recipient country is required to pay it all back, principal plus interest. If an EHM is completely successful, the loans are so large that the debtor is forced to default on its payments after a few years. When this happens, then like the Mafia we demand our pound of flesh. This often includes one or more of the following : control over United Nations votes, the installation of military bases, or access to precious resources such as oil or the Panama Canal . Of course, the debtor still owes us the money—and another country is added to our global empire." John Perkins, Confessions Of An Economic Hitman Page


"First, I was to justify huge international loans that would funnel money back to MAIN and other U.S. companies through massive engineering and construction projects. Second, I would work to bankrupt the countries that received those loans so that they would be forever beholden to their creditors, and so they would present easy targets when we needed favors, including military bases, U N votes, or access to oil and other natural resources." John Perkins, Confessions Of An Economic Hitman Page 15

Iran coup - Operation Ajax

Guatemalan coup - Operation PBsuccess

"In the early 1970s, when the petrodollars started flooding in, enterprising Lebanese began smuggling hookers into the kingdom for the princes. . . Since no one in the royal family knows how to balance a checkbook, the Lebanese became fabulously wealthy." Robert Baer ( Ex CIA Case Officer) Baer Sleeping With The Devil : How Washington Sold Our Soul For Saudi Crude Page 26

"The Bush family and the House of Saud, the two most powerful dynasties in the world, have had close personal, business, and political ties for more than 20 years. . . In the private sector, the Saudis supported Harken Energy, a struggling oil company in which George W. Bush was an investor. Most recently, former president George H. W. Bush and his longtime ally, former Secretary of State James A. Baker III, have appeared before Saudis at fundraisers for the Carlyle Group, arguably the biggest private equity firm in the world . Today, former president Bush continues to serve as a senior adviser to the firm, whose investors allegedly include a Saudi accused of ties to terrorist support groups. . . Just days after 9/11, wealthy Saudi Arabians, including members of the bin Laden family, were whisked out of the U.S. on private jets. No one will admit to clearing the flights, and the passengers weren't questioned . Did the Bush family's long relationship with the Saudis help make it happen?" The Vanity Affair September 28, 2009, Saving The Saudis ( Originally from 2003?)

"Taken cumulatively, the integration of the world as a whole, particularly in terms of economic globalization and the mythic qualities of "free market" capitalism, represents a veritable "empire" in its own right . . . No nation on earth has been able to resist the compelling magnetism of globalization. Few have been able to escape the "structural adjustments" and "conditionalities" of the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, or the arbitrations of the World Trade Organization, those international financial institutions that, however inadequate, still determine what economic globalization means, what the rules are, and who is rewarded for submission and punished for infractions. Such is the power of globalization that within our lifetime we are likely to see the integration, even if unevenly, of all national economies in the world into a single global, free market system" Jim Garrison, American Empire, Global Leader or Rouge State Page 38

"I want to make it very clear : the destabilization campaign launched by the United States in 1986, ending with the 1989 Panama invasion, was a result of the U.S. rejection of any scenario in which future control of the Panama Canal might be in the hands of an independent, sovereign Panama— supported by Japan. . . Shultz and Weinberger, meanwhile, masquerading as officials operating in the public interest and basking in popular ignorance about the powerful economic interests they represented, were building a propaganda campaign to shoot me down" America's prisoner : the memoirs of Manuel Noriega by Manuel Noriega, Peter Einser Page 56-7

Unverified Sources

The evidence was indisputable : Saudi Arabia, America's longtime ally and the world's largest oil producer, had somehow become, as a senior Treasury Department official put it, "the epicenter" of terrorist financing . . . Starting in the late 1980s — after the dual shocks of the Iranian revolution and the Soviet war in Afghanistan — Saudi Arabia's quasi-official charities became the primary source of funds for the fast-growing jihad movement. In some 20 countries the money was used to run paramilitary training camps, purchase weapons, and recruit new members. . . Saudi largess encouraged U.S. officials to look the other way, some veteran intelligence officers say. Billions of dollars in contracts, grants, and salaries have gone to a broad range of former U.S. officials who had dealt with the Saudis: ambassadors, CIA station chiefs, even cabinet secretaries. . . Electronic intercepts of conversations implicated members of the royal family in backing not only Al Qaeda but also other terrorist groups" The Saudi Connection US. News, World Report 2003 December 15th

"Bechtel has longstanding ties to the national security establishment. . . One director is George P. Shultz, who was secretary of state under President Ronald Reagan. Before joining the Reagan administration, Mr. Shultz, who also serves as a senior counselor to Bechtel, was the company 's president, working alongside Caspar W. Weinberger, who served as an executive at the San Francisco-based company before his appointment as defense secretary. This year, President Bush appointed Bechtel's chief executive, Riley P. Bechtel, to serve on the President's Export Council." NYT April 18th 2003


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